By: Faisal Bin Majid/26 June 21011
Introduction
In South Asia, where power politics is based on evil nexus of capital, feudalism, fundamentalism and neo-liberalism, participation of majority poor people and women in democratic process means only casting their vote in election. In many countries of South Asia women have played an important role in democratic movement, but their participation in the various spheres of political structures has continued to remain minimal in comparison to their male counterparts. Here, politics is always considered as a dirty game only for ‘big boys’. This is quite evident in election times when money and muscle talks. Eligibility of candidature determined by monetary strength and high incidence of violence takes place. The prevailing climate of political violence including corruption and manipulation marginalize women as well as poor people from participation in politics. It is evident that women are more likely than men to be poor and besides poverty, women also face cultural barriers that impeded their participation in male dominated politics even if the political party is pro poor.
Women’s participation is pre-requisite to just and democratic governance. The Beijing Platform for action in 1995 declared that without the active participation of women and the incorporation of women’s perspective at all levels of decision making, the goals of equality, development and peace cannot be achieved. The rights guaranteed in international conventions states that women shall be eligible for election to all publicly elected bodies, established by national law, on equal terms with men, without any discrimination.
In terms of women’s political empowerment, South Asia presents a unique paradox. Most countries in the region, has had a woman leader at some point in time, a phenomenon unparalleled in other regions of the world. Bangladesh has a unique distinction of two women leaders for last 20 years. This is in stark contrast to the minimal numbers of women who are elected to national parliaments and legislatures. Women participation in politics in South Asia is increasing but still lower in comparison to other parts of the world in terms of percentage of representation in parliamentThe world average of women representation in national parliament is 19.3 while the average of South Asia was only around 9 before 2008. After adopting 33% reserve quota for women in Nepal in 2007 along with increasing the reserve seat for women from 30 to 45 in Bangladesh in 2008 election, the share of women in parliaments of South Asia still stands on 18.77 %.
Country wise Situation in South Asia
Bangladesh: In last national election of 29 December 2008, Bangladeshi women voters for the first time outnumbered men by more than 1.4 million. In this election, record number of women candidates participated in the national poll. Out of 38 contending political parties 16 have nominated 75 female candidates. In addition to this, 13 independent women also participated in this poll. Under the premiership of Sheikh Hasina the new 32-member cabinet has five female ministers. Three female ministers are heading foreign affairs, home, and agriculture ministries and one female MP is serving as state minister for labor ministry. The position of the deputy leader of the treasury bench is also held by a woman MP.
India: In 2009 general election, 556 women had contested, of which 59 were elected (10.8%) the highest since independence. On 8 March 2010, a Bill to provide 33% reservation of seats in Parliament and state legislatures to women was passed in the Upper House.
Pakistan: After 2008 elections, there are 80 women in 342-member National Assembly and 17 women in 100-member Senate. In total there are 232 women out of 1165 members, making it total 19% women representation in the six legislative bodies, including 4 provincial assemblies, National Assembly and Senate.
Sri Lanka: Although Sri Lanka has a better record of gender equality than other South Asian states, this has not, however translated into greater political participation of Sri Lankan women. Women representation in parliament is 5.3% only.
Nepal: After abolishment of a 240 year-old monarchy, the interim constitution adopted in 2007, sets women's representation in the legislative parliament at 33%. In the 2008 election women's political participation soared to new heights of 33.2%, one of the highest representations at the level of national parliament worldwide.
Afghanistan: The 2009 elections saw an historic increase in the numbers of women engaged in the political process. More than 300 women ran as candidates, many of whom did so in spite of enormous barriers and at great personal risk. At present, women represent 27.7% of the National Assembly of Afghanistan. 69 out of 249 seats in the lower house and 28 out of 102 seats in the upper house are women.
Maldives: The under-representation of women reflected in the low proportion of seats held by women in national parliament (6.5%) and other decision making bodies is indicative of the challenges to gender equality and women’s empowerment. Before the new constitution of 2008, women were not even allowed to be the head of the state.
Bhutan: Bhutan has a long way to go with regard to have women’s political voice. There are only 10 women in Bhutan’s 72-member two legislative houses, giving over all representation as 13.8 %.
| The wind of change: Emerging Women in Local Government In 1990s, three countries of South Asia: India, Bangladesh and Nepal made especial provision to increase the participation of women in local govt. through direct election. In Nepal, the ordinance of 1997 ensured a 20 per cent reservation of seats for women, which was a breakthrough, and contributed to the increased participation of women in local elected bodies. In Bangladesh, 33% reserve seat for women through direct election introduced in 1997. In consequence, the 1997 Union Parishad election significantly increased the participation of women as voters, as contenders for general seats with men and as candidates for reserved seats. In India the 73rd and 74th amendments passed in 1992 has been instrumental in gaining a one-third representation of women in local government bodies. Reservation for women has ensured that one million women have emerged as leaders in the villages of India. A qualitative change in role of local govt. has been marked due to these women leadership. One of the most common stories across India, Nepal and Bangladesh that emerges is strive for corruption-free governance by the women leaders. This is not saying that women leaders are not corrupt. But, by and large, the stories that emerge tell of women standing up to contractors, enforcing transparency in the system, and facing violence in return, in some instances. The other common story is about changing priorities in development. Women’s practical gender concerns, like water, sanitation, children’s education, healthcare, domestic violence and alcohol abuse, are gaining currency within the development agenda of rural areas. |
Some critical issuesThe gender gap in representative politics is attributable to socio-economic and cultural factors. Notions regarding gender roles, patriarchal and religious constraints, discrimination within the family and community, greater domestic responsibilities in addition to lack of access to and control over economic resources are among the major cross-cutting factors inhibiting women’s political participation in South Asia. Furthermore, we know a common barrier, i.e. perception regarding women’s prime role in the society is her reproductive role. Other roles are taken as secondary. As a result a large number of potential women can not enter in the politics due to double/triple burden.
Tendency of cornering women from decision making positions in political parties and other governance system is also affecting in lower representation of women in elected legislative bodies.
Although most of the countries in south Asia, has had a woman leader at some point in time, women’s share in politics has not been as much influenced as expected from general perception. But one can not expect a change over of deeply rooted patriarchal system of politics by a premiership only. Even with this constrain, we are experiencing the promotion of young and women leadership in crucial position of the government in Bangladesh by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, despite opposition from her own party. The present government has also adopted significance policy initiative for women advancement like National Women Development Policy, Act on domestic violence against women and disseminating gender analysis of national budget for twenty ministries. In India, Amendment Bill of guarantying 33 per cent reservation for women in parliament could not even appeared without the leadership and effort of Sonia Gandhi. We also witnessed of Benazir Bhutto’s pledge to empower women reflected in appointing women judges, bankers and in set women police station.
South Asian women MPs are often criticized for their upper class background and for not taking position for interest of majority poor women. Those critiques should have to consider that how many male MPs and ministers from major political parties in South Asia are from lower economic class. How many male MPs of ruling parties take side of poor people’s interest by crossing the party position? So the problem is not in women MPs, but is in the political culture and dominated feudalism in major political parties in South Asia.
Conclusion for a change
Therefore, gender inequality in politics is pivotally linked with South Asia’s great class inequality that needs to be bridged if the goal of gender equality is to be realised. The struggle for gender equality in politics is inextricable from the struggle for class equality and social justice. This point has special salience for the bulk of poor, underprivileged and politically marginalised South Asian women for whom the possibility and potential of political representation is tied with access to basic social services (literacy, health, education) and the availability of social and economic opportunities. South Asian states have failed, so far, to provide basic services to constituencies that need them most. On the other hand, greater socio-economic equality between men and women may not necessarily guarantee political gender equality – as is evident in the case of Sri Lanka. This does not, however, dilute the case for social justice. A democratic social order is an essential pre-requisite for a gender-just polity. The majority of South Asian citizens are yet to realise the substantive rights of democracy i.e. social equality, freedom for violence and deprivation, equal access to institutions, and the protection of civil rights and liberties. Policies to consolidate democratic governance in South Asia must therefore focus on not just the gender gap between women and men in political institutions; they should simultaneously redress the inequality of class and the absence of distributive justice that reinforce the gender gap in politics.
